Showing posts with label archers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label archers. Show all posts

Monday, 28 August 2017

The Invasion of Normandy August 1417, Landing at Torques



Figure 1. Trouville Beach, the site of the landings on the 1st August 1417. The north shore of the Bay of the Seine can be seen in the distance.

“King Henry of England, accompanied by his brothers the dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, a number of other nobles, and a numerous army, landed at the port of Touques in Normandy, with the intent to conquer the whole of that duchy.  The royal castles at Touques was speedily invested on all sides, which caused the governor, Sir John d’Engennes [1]to surrender it within four days on condition that he and the garrison should depart with their effects.  Within a short time afterwards, the following towns and castles surrendered to king Henry without making any resistance:  Harcourt, Beaumont-le-Roger, Evreux, and several others, in which he placed numerous garrisons.”[2]

Amongst those who landed were two members of the Nowell family, the first was Robert Nowell, a household servant of Richard Beauchamp of Bergavenny, (1397-1421/22) [3] Earl of Worcester, and later Lord Bergavenny.

The second member of the Nowell family to land was John Nowell, who was an archer in the contingent of William Swinburne. [4] Sir William Swinburne, who came from Essex, had previously been appointed as the Captain of Marck, a castle forming part of the outer defences of the Pale of Calais, located in marshland very close to what is now the main motorway into the modern port of Calais, in 1408, and who had become an M.P. during 1414. Swinburne’s indenture in 1417 required him to provide four men at arms and fourteen archers.[5]

Sir William Swinburne was the son of Sir Robert Swinburne, by his second wife. He had an elder half brother called Sir Thomas Swinburne (1357-1412), who was the offspring of Sir Robert Swinburne's first wife, and who had served in Calais in 1395.

Amongst Sir Thomas's archers in 1395 was Richard Nowell of Read in Lancashire, so that it is entirely possible that John Nowell was following in the footsteps of earlier generations of his family by taking service with the Swinburne family. [6]

Most of us are aware of the Battle of Agincourt fought in 1415 by King Henry V and his army of archers. Few people today however are aware of the later campaigns fought in Normandy in the aftermath of the victory at Agincourt.

Thanks to the work of Professor Anne Curry of Southampton University and her Medieval Soldier Project [7], which has developed a database containing the names of several thousand individuals who took part in those events, and which are recorded in the indentures and musters that survive in the National Archives at Kew, and in Paris and Normandy to this day, I am finding that I can track the activities of many of these men from 1370 until 1444.

The records become particularly revealing after 1417, and this has led to my visiting many of the locations that they campaigned over during this summer, the 600th anniversary of the original landings.

In the projects database are at least 164 entries that refer to the Nowell family including about ten individuals from Read in Lancashire.  Some of whom I am descended from, or closely related to.

There are approximately 25 separate individuals listed, however because several appear in more than one entry, and a "John Nowell", for instance may be from one or more families or generations, it is not possible to be absolutely sure who is who, or how many John's there were.

At present, I am unable except in a few cases clearly linked to Read to determine exactly which ones are my direct ancestors, and who are the more distant ones.

However it is possible to show that Gilbert Nowell, a Man-at-Arms, who served at the Siege of Harfleur in the contingent of Sir John, Lord Harrington, (1384-1418) was a younger brother of John Nowell of Read from who I am descended. ( -d 1433)

It is clear from the database that Lancashire provided a substantial number of the archers and men-at-arms who served in Normandy. In some cases like the Banastre family, these are closely related by marriage, while others must have known each other from attendance at Manor Courts, or the cattle fairs or markets in Clitheroe or Burnley.

There is a clear pattern that emerges across many of the families associated with these campaigns of that it is the younger sons going off to war, and not the heirs to the family estates.

In most cases the eldest son stayed in Lancashire to run the family farms and estates. The younger sons who would not stand to inherit the estates from their father's were expected to make their own way in life.

This often meant going into the church, which many members of the Nowell family did, or into the in the case of the ones listed, into the army.  In some cases the families appear to have invested in giving these younger sons a head start in their new profession.

It appears that Gilbert Nowell was set up as a man-at-arms by the family at some considerable expense, as the equipment for a man at arms must have cost the family a considerable amount of money to provide.

Other less well heeled individuals like Robert and John Nowell landing on Touville beach had less fortunate, and had had to take less exalted roles in the army as archers or servants.

When King Henry V's army had landed at the mouth of the Seine on the late afternoon of the 13th August 1415, after its two day passage from Southampton, they had landed at Chef-de-Caux.  The English soldiers, like many of their descendants in more recent wars struggled with the local pronunciation, calling it Kidecaws.[8]


Figure 2. Chef-de-Caux foreshore, site of the 1415 landing. [9]

On that occasion between 900 and 1000 ships had made the crossing. The very largest was the Trinity Royal, of some 540 tonnes. Most were much smaller, often 30 tonnes or less.  Approximately 12,000 men, plus horses and supplies had had to be landed.  This took three anxious days to achieve, with the King very conscious for all time that at any moment the French forces might arrive atop the adjacent hills.

Having landed the King had then marched his army to Harfleur, which he had hoped to capture quickly, giving him a defended port from which to mount operations deep into France.

However, the siege of Harfleur had turned into a protracted event lasting until early October, by which time many of his men had become invalids from illnesses caught in the trenches and from the insanity conditions in the camps surrounding Harfleur. Many had to cut away the seats of their hose, such was their condition.

For the 1417 operation King Henry V decided not to repeat his landings on the north shore of the River Seine, but to land to the south shore at the mouth of the River Touques.


Figure 3. Oblique image of the landing site at Trouville and the Bay of the Seine; courtesy of Google Earth

This made considerable tactical sense, as the main French forces in the area were stationed in the Harfleur area and upstream towards Rouen.

Planning for the landing had been underway for at least a year, and possibly longer.  When King Henry had returned to London from Calais following the battle at Agincourt, he had left a beleaguered garrison of 900 men-at-arms and 5,000 archers under the Earl of Dorset at Harfleur that controlled only a very limited area around Harfleur.

By early in 1416 the town was besieged  by the Armagnac forces under the command of Bernard of Armagnac, the newly appointed Constable of France. The only way to procure rations locally was to mount raids into the local countryside bypassing the local French garrisons at Montivillers only four miles from Harfleur, as well as in nearby villages and monasteries.

Soon:

"A wretched cow’s head was sold for 6s 8d sterling, and the tongue for 40s and [there] died of English soldiers more than 500, in default of sustenance." [10]

France was however a deeply divided country, with the Burgundian and Armagnac's at each others throats fighting a savage civil war, and each represented a far more serious threat to each other, than did the forces of King Henry V.  The war with the English, was only a sideshow, or a distraction from a far greater threat.

This meant that the Armagnac's could only afford to divert a small proportion of their forces to defeating the English.  The other contingents had to be deployed to the Paris Basin to fight against the forces of John the Fearless.

The Armagnac's realised that the best way to force the English out of Harfleur was to cut off their supplies by land and sea.  To cut off the 150 mile sea route to Southampton, the French hired 20 galleys from Genoa as well as others from Castile with which to mount a blockade during the summer of 1416.  Individual English ships attempted to run the gauntlet to Harfleur.  Most were captured, however one succeeded by flying the French flag in bluffing its way into the town.

Raids were mounted on Portland, the Isle of Wight, and into Southampton Water by the French and their allies in an effort to prevent English shipping operating across the Channel to Harfleur.


Figure 4: The Mayor of Southampton's Seal showing a single masted English ship. The Geneose ships were believed to have included some two masted Carracks. [11]

The King's brother John Duke of Bedford was ordered to assemble a fleet for the relief of Harfleur, and on the 15th of August 1416, a six or seven hour battle in the mouth of the bay resulted in a significant victory for the English, who were able to capture or sink several of the Genoese vessels, which were much larger than the English vessels.

Losses were heavy on both sides, with the English losing around 20 ships. Three of the large Genoese Carracks were captured, and another destroyed, as well as a French coq being secured.  The English believed that they had killed about 1,500 French and captured about 400 more. They themselves lost about 700 men-at-arms and 2,000 archers, however they claimed victory because they were able to break the blockade and to take much needed supplies into Harfleur.

It must have been clear however to King Henry and his advisers, that another relief effort would become necessary before too long if the garrison at Harfleur was not ultimately to fall, but that this further operation would have to take place in the following year, 1417, as the winter gales would rule out any substantial effort before then.

By February 1417 messages were being sent out to the County Sheriff of Kent as well as many others, instructing them to begin assembling their forces.

Rex Vicecomiti Kantiae, Salutem.

Cùm, in propria Persona nostra, simus, cum Dei adjutorio, versus partes Franciae, pro Recuperatione &; Adeptione Jurium &; Haereditatis Coronae nostrae, ut cunctis satis liquet, à diu per Adversarium nostrum Franciae injuriosè detentorum &; occupatorum, in proximo profecturi, Nos, considerantes qualiter, inter Gratiarum Donationes, Nobis à Deo, nuper, dum in partibus illis ex hac causa eramus, variè collatas, idem Deus Nobis, non nostris Meritis, set suâ ineffabili Bonitate, inter caeteros, per Sagittarios nostros, suis Sagittis, Gratiam atque Victoriam Inimicorum nostrorum multipliciter infudit, Ac proinde de sufficienti Stuffura hujusmodi Sagittarum, cum ea celeritate, qua commodè fieri poterit, &; pro meliori expeditione praesentis Viagii nostri, provideri volentes,
Tibi Praecipimus, firmiter Injungentes, quòd statim, visis praesentibus, per Ballivos tuos ac alios, quos ad hoc nomine tuo duxeris ordinandos & deputandos, in singulis Villis &; aliis Locis Comitatûs tui, de quacumque Auca (praeter Aucas Brodoges vulgariter nuncupatas) Sex Pennas Alarum suarum, pro Sagittis ad opus nostrum de novo faciendis magis congruas &; competentes, pro Denariis nostris, de Exitibus Comitatûs tui praedicti provenientibus, in hac parte rationabiliter solvendis, cum omni festinatione possibili capi &; provideri, ac Pennas illas usque Londoniam, citra Qartumdecimum Diem Martii proximò futurum, duci &; cariari facias,
Et Nos tibi inde, in Compoto tuo, ad Scaccarium nostrum, debitam Allocationem habere faciemus.
Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium decimo die Februarii.
Per ipsum Regem.
Consimilia Brevia diriguntur Vicecomitibus subscriptis, sub eadem Datâ; videlicet,
Vicecomiti Wilts.
Vicecomiti Sur. Sussex.
Vicecomiti Midd.
Vicecom. Lincoln.
Vicecom. Cantebr. Hunt.
Vic. Essex. Hertford.
Vic. Sutht.
Vic. Bedf. Buck.
Vic. Oxon. Berk.
Vic. Norff.  Suff.
Vic. Somers. Dors.
Vic. Northampton.
Vic. Rotel.[12]

By March 1st, William Collyng and Richard Skall had received orders for 1,000 sides of bacon.

Presumably many hundreds of similar orders for victuals and supplies were being carried across England.

By July 1417 approximately 1500 ships had been assembled at Southampton, including many from countries including the Low Countries, Venice and Genoa. Genoa had agreed to provide six transports for £1667, despite their long standing agreements with France to whom they generally hired their warships.

There remained one serious impediment to the success of the operation.  Nine Genoese galleys, as well as a number of French vessels were known to be operating out of Honfleur, and these had the ability to seriously disrupt an invasion fleet made up very largely of very small fishing and merchant ships, with only a limited escort of warships to cover them.

John, Earl of Huntingdon, a 22 year old, veteran of Agincourt, was dispatched with a force which was successful in defeating and destroying nine Genoese galleys, off the Cap-de-la-Heve, which was the most north westerly point of the Bay of the Seine on the 29th of June 1417. This left the way clear for Henry's invasion fleet so that it was able to set sail for France on the 30th of July 1417.

The King appears to have originally planned to go to Harfleur, but then to have changed his mind, which intentionally, or otherwise helped to keep the French forces north of the river Seine.


Figure 5: An extract from an early 18th Century Map of the Trouville area, showing the location of Bonneville  Castle. Notice how the river channel of the Touques was much wider than it is today. Carte de l'élection du Pont-L'Evêque, généralité de Rouen, placée en la vicomté d'Auge.. [Please click on for larger version] [13]

The beach at Trouville offered a good location for the landing, as the range of wooded hills to the east screened the location from the nearest substantial French forces at Honfleur. The English could easily march to cut off and destroy the French shipping based at Honfleur, or push on towards Harfleur further up the estuary and just across the river from Honfleur. With both banks of the Seine secured, pushing supplies into the beleaguered garrison at Harfleur would be much easier.


Figure 6: The river Touques at low tide, approximately one kilometre inland of the current beach. [14]

Henry appears to have learned a number of lessons from his first landings, because this time he planned for, and was able to disembark his force in a day. The landing took place on the 1st of August 1417, on the long shallow beach shown in Figure 1.  The area along the shore is heavily built up today with the seaside towns of Deauville and Trouville.  This has dramatically changed the sea shore.

When Trouville was first developed in the 1880's as a seaside resort, considerable filling and reclamation took place along the water meadows and river flats in the river valley.

It is very probable that the estuary was much wider in 1417 than it is today, and because the ships used in those days would have been much smaller than today's vessels, and in most cases little different in draught to the yachts and small fishing vessels that use the port today, they were probably able to enter the river over the coastal bar, and then to pass up it for more than a mile at high tides.

The first serious obstacle to the King's further advance was the castle at Bonneville-sur-Touques.

In 1417, this castle which stands on a steep hill, just inland of the modern town of Trouville, may have dominated the landing area, at the head of the tidal zone. It was probably located at the first practical crossing of the river, which is much silted up today.



Figure 7: Bonneville-sur-Touques Castle.

On about the fourth of August the English forces commenced moving inland, and their first objective was to attack Bonneville-sur-Touques castle.  The castle is reported to have held a garrison of 500 men, however this figure seems very high for what is an otherwise fairly small castle.

Bonneville has a distinguished history going back to the days of William the Conqueror, who is believed to have supervised preparations for his invasion of England from it.


Figure 8: A Google Earth image showing the massive ring ditch surrounding the castle, as well as the surviving structures within it.

The Chroniclers give no indication of which of King Henry's troops it was that assaulted the castle, so we have no way of knowing what if any part  Robert and John Nowell played in these events.

The castle is situated on the side of a steep bluff, so that the top of the ditch nearest the church is considerably higher than the side to the south that faces the river. As such, the ditch can have held little if any water.



Figure 9: Showing the location of the castle in relation to the Touques River.

A very good article on the castles history, containing many old photos from the early 1900's can be found at http://www.normandythenandnow.com/the-very-private-castle-of-william-the-conqueror-at-touques/

The castle suffered extensive damage in the course of the 1939-45 War when it has used by the German Todt organisation as a local headquarters. Today it is in private hands, and is only open on a few occasions every year.

On the day, I visited there was no opportunity to visit the interior, and lacking an army to lay siege to it, I was reduced to scouting it out. However, I did discover that a footpath led down from close to the modern entrance to the castle into the moat.



Figure 10. The upper section of the moat.

As you go down the path, it soon disappears into dense stinging nettles and other vegetation, but I was rewarded as the original stone revetting inside the bank becomes visible in many places.



Figure 11. Deep nettles proving a highly effective defences to today's intruders.


Figure 12.  The steep wall to the castle embankment.


Figure 13. Reaching the lower part of the moat.

At this point the ground under foot becomes much damper, and there appear to be springs feeding from the adjacent fields into the moat, and flowing down towards the bottom.


Figure 14. The village laundry.

At the bottom the springs combine into a small stream, that feeds the old village laundry site.

Did the garrison us the site for their washing I wonder?

There is a fine church on top of the hill, that in its current form is believed to post date the siege, and to incorporate stone recovered from the castle, when it subsequently fell out of use.  The church yard offers commanding views back over the river estuary, and must have featured as the jumping off point for any assault on the castle.  Old photos show that the main gate of the castle faced down towards the estuary, providing the castles principle means of defence.


Figure 15. The Church at Bonneville sur Touques.

Unfortunately during August this year the trees have been especially verdant, and these effectively block the view towards the castle from the churchyard.



Figure 16. The castle from the north west, and from the site of the church.

Was John Nowell one of those trying to beat the defenders from the ramparts, firing his arrows up over the walls?

From Bonneville, the King split the army into three contingents, and then proceeded to march to the south and west. This move was unexpected by the French, and very probably also by most of his own soldiers, but would lead to a series of stunning successes that led to the capture of almost all of Normandy within two years, and was to take him and many of his men on to Paris.

In subsequent posts, I will explore some of the other locations in Normandy with which I can associate my Nowell ancestors, who were to fully exploit many of the opportunities presented by the King's new colony in Normandy.

For most, the welcome sun, and richness of the countryside, must have made a great change from the cold and wet associated with herding cattle from Pendle and Whalley over the Pennines and down to Wakefield and beyond, which was the lot of their brothers and cousins back home in Read, Little Mearlay and the nearby villages in Lancashire.

If you are aware of any additional information that you feel might aid my research, I would be most pleased to hear from you at balmer.nicholas@gmail.com.  Although my written and spoken French is not particularly good, I can read French and would be very pleased to hear from local historians in these communities in France.



[1] Sir John d’Engennes, then made his way to the castle at Cherbourg, where he was made governor. The Duke of Gloucester then laid siege to the city of Cherbourg, which fell to the English after ten weeks. Sir John d’Engennes had agreed with Gloucester to give up the place in return for receiving a sum of money. He was given a passport to go wherever he pleased by the English, and went to Rouen which had recently fallen to the English. He stayed beyond the expiry date of his passport and was seized by the English, who on orders of King Henry had him beheaded. Monstrelet, The Chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Volume II, page 380.
Jean de Bonenfant and Michel le Comte, subordinate commanders under Sir John d'Engennes, secured their release from the English, where unfortunately their fellow Frenchmen took a poor view of their having surrendered the castle. They were arrested and then decapitated in Paris. Nouveaux essais historique sur la ville de Caen et son arrondissement by Gervase de la Rue, page 264, published in 1842.
[2]  Monstrelet, The Chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Volume II, page 370.
[3] Richard Beauchamp of Bergavenny, (born c. 1397-d. 1422) earl of Worcester, TNA, E101/51/2, m5.
He had married Lady Isabel la Despenser on the 27th July 1411. He would die at the siege of Meaux in 1422.
[4] Muster Roll TNA, E101/51/2, m25, also http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1386-1421/member/swinburne-william-1422
[5] La Normandie et l'Angleterre au moyen âge: Colloque de Cerisy-la-Salle, 4-7 ... By Véronique Gazeau, page 304.
[6] http://www.historyofparliamentonline.org/volume/1386-1421/member/swinburne-sir-thomas-1357-1412
[7] http://www.medievalsoldier.org/ E101/44/30, no1, no1_m13
[8] Chef-de-Caux is now built over by the modern town of Sainte-Adresse. Kidecaws, Gesta Henrici Quinti, page 13.
[9] From Gallica http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b53010783t
[10] William Worcester’s Boke of Noblesse, given in http://www.chivalryandwar.co.uk/Resource/THE%20BATTLE%20OF%20THE%20SEINE.pdf
[11]From the British Library Blog.  See http://blog.nationalarchives.gov.uk/blog/battle-seine-henry-vs-unknown-naval-triumph/ for a very good description of these events. Catalogue Reference: E 329/430
[12] http://www.british-history.ac.uk/rymer-foedera/vol9/pp433-437
[13] http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b55005096t/f1.item
[14] Photos by the author.


Sunday, 17 May 2015

Chevauchée, or great great.....uncle, what were you up to in the summer of 1432?




Figure 1. A monument at the base of the castle walls at St Céneri recording the many sieges. [1]

 As a small boy my parents would drag my brother and I off to nearby castles in order to run off our excess energy wherever and whenever we were on holiday.

Brought up learning to read Ladybird books about Warwick the King Maker, and King Henry V, I have been fixated on castles ever since.

For most of my life I have wondered what it would have been like to have lived in castles, or indeed to have taken part in the events surrounding these castles.

However gaining an ability to learn these details had always seemed beyond my grasp.  It always seemed to me to be something that I could only ever imagine in a general sense, but that it would never actually be possible for me to say in which castle, or when my ancestors had been present if at all.

I had to assume that they would forever remain lost in the mists of time, peasants who had left no trace in history.

Of course history is largely written by the winners, and in general only features the "important people" and my forebears would have almost certainly only ever have been bit players in events all those centuries ago.

However with the incredible increase in access now possible through the internet to archives, and especially thanks to the work of Doctor Anne Curry and her colleagues, it has sudden become possible for me to locate some of my forebears in more than 55 Medieval documents encompassing literally hundreds of events that took place from 1371 until 1444, covering about 10 individuals, most of whom are either direct forebears of mine, or who are ancestral brothers, uncles, cousins or probably closely related to my Nowell's from Wakefield, the villages of Read, Nether Harwood and nearby in the Ribble Valley.


Figure 2. The Medieval Chapel of St Céneri [2]

A few years ago Dr Anne Curry a Professor of Medieval history at the Southampton University, former editor of the  Journal of Medieval History, and a specialist in the Hundred's Years' War  published her seminal book on the Battle of Agincourt, which contained an incredible list of the names of those who took part in the battle on the English side.

I had looked through the list with awe not imagining that such lists could have survived at this time.

Brought up at school on films like the 1940's film of Shakespeare's Henry V, I was well aware that...

"men back in English now safe in their beds will curse themselves for not having been here, and think less of their own manhood when they listen to the stories of those who fought with us here on St. Crispin’s Day."

Having long considered that I would be amongst those accursed, I was completely unaware that Gilbert Nowell, an esquire had been on that field on the eve of St Crispin's Day.

Also unknown to me, was that in 2009, Anne Curry and her colleagues at Southampton had embarked on a much larger project called "The Soldier in later Medieval England"[3], to transcribe and analyse records from 1369 up to 1453.

Stumbling on this amazing resource in recent days, I am now happily campaigning my way around the archives and back lanes of France, if only electronically, in the footsteps of these men, surprised to find that I can place them at many of the key events of those years.




Figure 3. Output from the Medieval Soldier database showing the record of John Nowell's service at the Siege of St Severin.[4]

I have started collecting information about many of these campaigns, however it is already clear that many of these sieges and battles will take months of work to study and collate.

Starting therefore with a relatively small action, chosen more or less at random, the first challenge was to locate St Severin, which when you turn to Google and Google maps takes you to many locations of churches named after this well known saint, almost all of which evidently don't fit.

However, all was not lost because Enguerrand de Monstrelet, a contemporary chronicler writes in his Chronicle [5]

In this same year of 1434 ,[6] the lord Willoughby [7], accompanied by Mathagon, [8] and some other captains, and from eight hundred to a thousand combatants, laid siege to a very strong place in the country of Maine called St. Severin, about two leagues distant from Alençon, which was held by the French.  The governor was a gallant knight, named sir Antony de Loreuil, who, on arrival of the enemy, made a vigorous defence: nevertheless, the English surrounded the place on all sides, and remained there about six weeks.

While this was going forward, the lord de Bueil, sir William Blesset, the lord de la Varenne, and other French captains, assembled about fourteen hundred fighting men, with the intent to force the enemy to raise their siege. They remained for some days at Beaumont le Vicomte, [9] where part of them were quartered, and the remainder at Vivien, [10] four leagues distant from St. Severin.  While at Beaumont they called a council of all the chief captains, to consider how they should act; when, after much noise and debating, they determined to attempt withdrawing the besieged the back way out of the town. The captains now returned to their different quarters, and established good guards around them during the night, both of horse and foot. The lord de Beuil was, on this expedition, lieutenant for the lord Charles d’Anjou, and had the charge of his banner.

This same night a detachment of the English, having had intelligence of the advance of the French, took the field, and marched in silence until they came near to the town of Vivien, whither they sent scouts to reconnoitre the state of the French, who, having twice entered Vivien, brought word they were in tolerable good order. The English then made an attack on their quarters about day-break, and easily defeated them without much loss. Many were taken and killed: among the last was a valiant man from Amiens, but originally from Auvergne, called John de Bellay. When the business was over, the English took the field with their prisoners; but the lords de Bueil and de la Varenne, who were in Beaumont, hearing of this discomfiture from the runaways, made instant preparations to pursue the English, who no sooner saw them than they rejoiced, thinking to defeat them as they had done the others. – and each party met gallantly. Many valorous acts were done on both sides; but, in the end, the English lost the day, partly from the prisoners whom they had taken at Vivien joining the French. A valiant knight named Arthur [11] was slain, and Mathagon made prisoner, -- but the bastard of Salisbury [12] fled. Four hundred, or more, of the English were killed or taken, and the French left masters of the field, very joyful for their victory. When the English who had remained at the siege of St. Severin heard of the ill success of their companions, they raised the siege, and retreated to the garrisons whence they had come.

Monstrelet places "St. Severin, about two leagues distant from Alençon" and as a league was about 3 miles or 9.6 kilometres this accords well with 11.8 kilometres given on Google Earth to Saint Céneri.

Starting by research with John Nowell's commanding officer Robert Willoughby who was aged 47 at the time of the siege and subsequent encounter battle, I found that he had been the son of William Willoughby, 5th Baron Willoughby de Eresby, and his first wife, Lucy le Strange, daughter of Roger le Strange, 5th Baron Strange of Knockin in Shropshire.

This immediately struck me as significant as it was the title of the Stanley family. 

I already knew that my Nowell ancestors had served with the Stanleys in campaigns from 1496 onwards right through and up until the English Civil War, when my Great x 6 Grandfather Roger Nowell had commanded the defence of Lathom House in 1648.  He later became the first governor of Lord Stanley's castles on the Isle of Man following the Restoration in 1660.

Perhaps the relationship with the Stanley's who were one of Lancashire's premier landowners goes back even further than I had previously thought.

Willoughby was a highly experienced officer who had fought at Agincourt and very many other of the significant actions since then. [13]

At this point in the past history would have ended for us, with only the names and deeds of the Lords and senior personalities recorded, and we would have had absolutely no idea who had taken part in these actions, however thanks to the recent transcriptions and the happy accident that the papers have survived in the Bibliothéque Nationale Collection Clairambault we can now see even the names of the archers and foot soldiers, and the men in the trenches.

If you go to the "Soldier in Later Medieval Website" and go to the database tab, and then select the garrison database, input "Severin" and select "location" for you get 1341 entries.


Figure 4. Screen shot for the garrison database for Severin, showing the start of the 1341 entries.

The list is absolutely fascinating as it illustrates the polyglot nature of the men who served in these forces.

A considerable number of whom appear to be from the north west of England like the Nowell's, as they have names I can recognise from my wider research.

There is perhaps unsurprisingly also a very strong contingent from Wales, as well as a large number of men from France. Some of the other names look German and even Scandinavian. I will try to track down men some of these over the coming months.


Figure 5. An example of one of the muster rolls transcribed by the project. Not necessarily of the ones discussed here.


Figure 6. An indenture, showing one of the lists from the period, which were drawn up in two identical columns, and then cut in two with a wavy line so that officials could by matching up the cut ensure that one of them was not a forgery. [14]

What do we know about John Nowell?

While it is not possible to be absolutely sure that it is the same man, a John Nowell, an archer was in William Swinburne's contingent under Humphrey Duke of Gloucester during 1417, as was Robert Nowell, although Robert was in another unit Richard Beauchamp, Lord Abergavenny's band of archers.

Although he may have remained in France, we cannot rule out his having returned to England.  He next appears to have served in France at the Siege of La Ferte-Bernard in 1426, and he may have been the same man who was in William Minors contingent of archers at the Siege of Louviers on the 20th of June 1431.

What became of John Nowell, we will probably never know.  However he appears to have survived the serious defeat at Vivions, and therefore it is very possible that he was one of the men who had remained behind in the siege works.

A John Nowell appears in the contingents of Christopher Fretevault and John Kendal in an list dated 30th November 1437 at Mantes, and also in 1441 under  Sir John Cressy and Richard Duke of York on yet another expedition to France.

This latter campaign with Richard Duke of York (1411 to 1460) may help identify John Nowell's connection to the wider Nowell family.

The Nowell's of Read in Lancashire were cattle breeders and very probably also drovers who owned land along the prime droving route from Pendle and Read where their primary holdings were to a cluster of villages situated around and south of Wakefield on the route to the Great North Road.

Roger Nowell, one of my 12 x great grandfather's "of Arksey" whose will is dated 14th June 1486 clearly shows that he is the same Roger Nowell who also owned Read and who gave on the 20th of January 20th 1483, lands that had belonged to Thurstan Banastre, his uncle in Wakefield, Stanley, Sandall and elsewhere in the County of York to the Wardens of Wakefield Church for the foundation of a Chantry to pray for the soul of Richard Duke of York who had been killed twenty three years earlier during 1460 as his force left Sandal Castle and was ambushed by a much larger force of Lancastrians.

Much of the land the Nowell's used to graze their store cattle and three year old oxen on route to East Anglia or Smithfield was rented in the Wakefield area from Richard Duke of York.

The Nowell's had been engaged in droving for at least a Century by 1432. They had established younger sons at Castle Donnington, Thorpe by Balne, South Mimms and Enfield as well as in the City, all holding land at significant points along the 270 mile cattle route south to Smithfield.

Marching the long distances required of soldiers on campaign can have presented them with few difficulties as they must have been conditioned to the marches by the long droves that they had previously been undertaking.

Roger's father was called Alexander Nowell, and he also appears in the Protection lists of July 1437.  His great grandfather was called John Nowell, and he had taken out a protection on the 14th of May 1415, in order to serve with Henry V in France.

The pedigrees that survive for the Nowell's were drawn up in the 19th Century by Churston and Whittaker concentrate on the older sons, and can be shown to have missed out many younger brothers, or younger sons of younger sons. The same few Christian names were used again and again in every generation. It was generally the "spares", and not the heirs who went to France as archers.

Thurstan Banastre, uncle to Roger Nowell, was son and heir to John Banastre. The same garrison database includes 42 entries for Banastre during this same period, with John, Richard and Robert Banastre's also appearing in Robert Willoughby's garrison at Pont de l'Arche in 1430.

As for Baron de Eresby, Robert Willoughby, he died aged 67 in 1452, knowing that Normandy had been lost to the French. He was buried in a monastic College at Mettingham which he had acquired through his wife Cecilly's family. I expect he had a few lives on his conscience, and would have felt in need of some prayers to ease his path through purgatory.


Figure 7. Entrance to Mettingham Castle and College, buried place of Robert Lord, Willoughby [15]


Figure 8. An extract from Google Maps showing the locations of Saint Céneri, Beaumont and Vivoin

We have already seen how Enguerrand de Monstrelet described how a council of all the chief captains of the French, considering how they should act; when, after much noise and debating, they determined to attempt "withdrawing the besieged the back way out of the town."

By going to Beaumont-sur-Sarthe on Google Earth it is possible to locate the old town square, and its nearby Motte that was probably the forward operating base that lords de Bueil and de la Varenne had used in their approach march as they attempted to break the siege of Saint Céneri.


Figure 9. Beaumont-sur-Sarthe market place. The motte is under the trees in the background.

Do those houses still contain the timber frames of the houses that looked out over the French troops as they hurriedly formed up to rush off and rescue their colleagues. Perhaps the fugitives from Vivoin has come running the three kilometres, shouting their warnings, as they arrived in this market place?

I am uncertain where the English had started out from to besiege Saint Céneri, however I have been able to establish that quite a few of those in the English contingent has previously been in the garrison of Alençon where the database shows the names of the English garrisons who had been present in the town in 1431 and in 1435.

It is about 27 kilometres from the Alençon or northern side of Saint Céneri, where I am presuming the main English siege camp would have been located to Vivoins.


Figure 10. The possible routes from Saint Céneri to Vivoin.

There are several possible routes that could have been taken.  The route I have selected would have taken the English further away from the main French camp at Beaumont and have had the advantage of placing the River Sarthe between the two forces. We have no evidence to confirm that this route was the one used, but it fits the known timing well.

Monstrelet wrote:
"This same night a detachment of the English, having had intelligence of the advance of the French, took the field, and marched in silence until they came near to the town of Vivien, whither they sent scouts to reconnoitre the state of the French, who, having twice entered Vivien, brought word they were in tolerable good order."

 Google suggests that this march would have taken five and a half hours to walk. In practise, given that the approach march was done in the dark, and with the probable presence of a nearby enemy force within the district, this must have been eight to ten hours of very tense marching.



Figure 11.  The Priory of St-Hippolye, Vivoins.

The village of Vivions must have been of considerable importance in 1432.  There still remain with the town, magnificent buildings that once formed the Priory of St-Hippolye.  It doesn't appear that the town had any real defences, compared with Beaumont, for instance with it's castle mount. 

I expect it was the combination of a lack of any obvious defence, and the probable presence of pillage that had encouraged the English to mount the raid. 

As can be seen from the following picture, the Priory was a substantial building, much of which is probably old enough to have been present in 1432, and to have witnessed the raid. One wonders where the tithe barn was?

Armies have always lived on their stomachs.  Their pay was often years in arrears, and starving out your enemy was the primary way to win a siege.  However it was often the besiegers, living in crude huts built out of branches, turf and grass, and not the besieged, tucked up as they were behind the walls of a castle, with a cellar full of food and drink who suffered most.


Figure 12. The former Priory Buildings at Vivoins.

The English must have realised that they only had limited time available in which to remain at Vivoins before the French forces in Beaumont and very probably Fresnay-sur-Sarthe also would act to cut off their retreat. However buoyed up by their mornings success, and quite possibly loaded down with recently plundered food and drink, they set off to return to Saint Céneri.




Figure 13.  The French counterattack.

A lesson no doubt re-learnt by every new generation of soldier is that counter attacks are most successful when mounted as soon as is possible after the enemy has taken the position, and before they have time to consolidate.  

The French commanders, Lords de Bueil and de la Varenne, appear to have been highly experienced and effective officers.  They had their troops underway quite possibly even before the English had started their return march.

As is often the case with Medieval battlefields, it is not clear where this counterattack took place.

However by inspection of Figure 13, from Google Earth there appears to have been a Route d'Or that crossed the Sarthe, which was located closer to Beaumont than it was to Vivoin, and where it would have been possible for a fast moving French unit to get across the most obvious of the English return routes.

The Route d'Or is believed to have been a Roman Road, and the even today the bridge is described as a Roman Bridge.

It is unlikely that today's bridge is the same one that was used in 1432, but it is possible that the Medieval bridge was in part at least Roman in origin.

It is clear that the French attack was not an ambush as the over confident English are recorded to have been able to see them coming. I believe the French almost certainly marched to Juillé.



Figure 14. The Rue de Belevent, D27Bis

I have not been able to locate older maps of the area, however it looks very likely that the road shown in Figure 14 leaving Vivoins was the one the English would have taken. 

Medieval soldiers preferred to use ridge routes when moving at speed, as they could see into the distance, and this would lessen the chance of their being surprised. This Medieval approach differs from that of later 20th Century soldiers who are taught to avoid moving along ridge lines at all costs in order to prevent their being "skylined" and then being shelled. This was a threat the Medieval soldier did not have to fear.

The road rises towards Juillé almost all of the way.  As can be seen in Figure 14, 15 and 16; the views to the side of the road are good towards the River Sarthe, and have probably little changed over the past 583 years.

Beaumont is to the left of both of these images.  The road from Beaumont over the Roman Bridge that crossed the River Sarthe to Juillé runs from left to right beyond the horizon behind the trees.

At this point the English troops who had been marching, and in action since last light on the previous day must have been starting to feel really tired after the night march and adrenaline rush of the assault. We have no idea at what time the encounter battle took place, however it was probably in the middle of the morning, three or four hours after the village had fallen to them.



Figure 15. Mid way to Juillé

The column of weary English laden with plunder, and quite possibly driving stolen livestock, was also trying to herd along a number of despondent French captives, some of whom were probably wounded.

They all faced a minimum of six or seven hours of further of footslogging if they were to reach safety.

The French from Beaumont who were furious over the raid and fresh, were already reaching the river crossing.


Figure 16. Reaching Juillé.

At this point about 500 metres from the cross roads and the nearest houses, the village first comes into sight for the English to the left of Figure 16: today and quite possibly then the view is interrupted by trees.

The vanguard of the French were probably streaming up from the horizon to the left of the photo.

At first these may only have been the mounted scouts and officers, and they probably appeared to be little threat to the English column.


Figure 17. An overview of the probable battlefield

The English (in red) coming up the lane would have crossed the ridge shown in Figure 16 in yellow, and it would have been at this point that they would have first have been aware that they were facing appreciable numbers of French who were probably streaming up the two routes shown in blue.  The dotted red line shows the intended route of the English back to their camp.

The Google Earth image is interesting because it clearly shows that the road network have changed considerably since the Medieval period.

Earlier tracks persist as crop marks. There was probably a scramble on the part of the long straggling English column to get past the French force that was attacking into their flank. The lack of time from the moment that the French first became visible in significant numbers didn't allow time enough for the archers to form up, as the English were situated 500 metres away at most from the French .

The French prisoners must have realised that it was now, or never, if they were to avoid many weary uncomfortable months in a dungeon, and they turned on their captors.

Perhaps initially less concerned about prisoners turning on them than at Agincourt, the English don't seem to have time (or possibly the will) to have killed their prisoners.

 Presumably the next couple of hours must have been pandemonium.

In Medieval battles the casualties tended not to be that high during the actual fighting, often less than 10%. It was during the pursuit that the real damage would have occurred.

The mounted men like the bastard of Salisbury probably got away relatively easily. Many of the men at arms and some of the archers may also have had horses, however many would have been on foot.

It was about 20 kilometres up the old Roman road back to Alençon, which is where I expect most of the fugitives will have made their way.

It was closer than their former camp that they had left about 24 hours before.

Many must have been cut down along the road; it must have been a really tough night for the wounded or those who became lost or separated.


Figure 18.  Alençon Castle.

The fugitives must have been hugely relieved and have felt much more secure once they were safely back inside the gates of the Chateau at Alençon.

The men left behind at Saint Céneri probably only numbered between 200 and 300. They must have spent an anxious day, hoping that the French garrison was not aware of just how few of them there were left in the bulwarks and trenches.




Figure 18. The church at Saint Céneri

The relief on the faces of the defenders at St Severin must have been enormous when they realised that the English were slipping away from the siege lines.

Presumably it was the French forces fresh from their victory who first clattered into the town over this beautiful old bridge.






Figure 19. The former Castle was located in the area of the highest trees. 


Figure 20. Google Earth Image showing the area around Saint Céneri

Figure 19 and 20 show the same area, and from them it is possible to locate the approximate position of the former castle.

History sadly does not seemed to have recorded where the English siege lines were at Saint Céneri, however given the villages location in the bottom of a steep valley and in the bend of the river, the English must presumably have been trying to take the hills that over looked the castle, like the one this photo was taken from.

I believe that the castle was located inside the ellipse in blue. With the castle and village secured by the bend of the River it formed a very strong position.

The description by Monstrelet of how the French relief force had planned to withdraw the garrison by the back way, begins to make sense, if the English were occupying the mouth of the promontory somewhere close to the positions shown in red.

Presumably with local knowledge they expected the garrison to be aware of a place where they could slip through the river at a shallow spot and to get away into the wooded valley sides. With about two kilometres of river bank to patrol around the outside of the huge river bend, it would have been almost impossible for the English to have patrolled it adequately, especially at night with only about 1,300 men to man the defences.

Although Saint Céneri had lived to fight another day, this was certainly not the last time the English would attack the castle. There were other sieges in 1434 and 1439.

I have never been to Saint Céneri, but it is certainly high on the list of places I would like to visit in future, although I do promise not to bring a cannon.

If you are aware of other records that cover these events, in French or English, I would be very pleased to hear from you. [balmer.nicholas@gmail.com] If you can trace your ancestors back to these events, and can tell me anything about any of the other men who stood shoulder to shoulder with John Nowell, I would also love to hear from you.

I would also like to say a big thank you to Anne Curry to all those who worked on The Soldier in Later Medieval England project. You have added immensely to my knowledge of these events, and I will have many happy hours and days researching into all those other locations and events you have recorded.

[1] Picture courtesy of http://a133.idata.over-blog.com/4/34/42/48/Notre-terroir/11-04-23-Chateau-Saint-Ceneri-3.JPG [2] http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saint-C%C3%A9neri-le-G%C3%A9rei#/media/File:Chapelle_St-C%C3%A9neri-le_G%C3%A9rei.JPG.[3] http://www.medievalsoldier.org/ [4] http://www.medievalsoldier.org/search_garrison.php [5] The Chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet: Containing an Account of the by Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Bon-Joseph Dacier, volume 1, page 631. [6] Thought to be in error for 1432 given elsewhere. Interestingly the local authorities who installed the monument give a date of 1434. Can anybody tell me which is correct, or were there more than one siege in this volatile frontier zone?
[7] Robert Willoughby. [8] Believed to be Matthew Gough who is known to have been captured after the siege. See http://yba.llgc.org.uk/en/s-GOUG-MAT-1390.html for this man, who played a very important role in the events leading up to the loss of the first English "Empire" in Normandy. [9] Believed to be Beaumont-sur-Sarthe [10] Spelt Vivoin today. [11] John Arthur, Knight in the database. [12] Footnote says John, bastard son of the great earl of Salisbury, to whom in his will he bequeathed fifty marks. See Dugdale. [13] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Willoughby,_6th_Baron_Willoughby_de_Eresby [14] From http://historyspot.org.uk/sites/default/files/field/attachments/digital_history_medieval_soldier.pdf [15] Entrance to Mettingham Castle - geograph.org.uk - 984718 by Graham Horn. Licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons -